Yorkshire Almanac On election day following passage of the Reform Act, the magistrate Thomas Bosville has troops fire on radical rioters outside the Tontine Inn, Sheffield, killing five

14 December 1832: On election day following passage of the Reform Act, the magistrate Thomas Bosville has troops fire on radical rioters outside the Tontine Inn, Sheffield, killing five

Sheffield Independent. 1832/12/22. Coroner’s Inquest. Sheffield. Get it:

Unedited excerpt

If an excerpt is used in the book, it will be shorter, edited and, where applicable, translated.

Thos. B. Bosville, Esq.-I am a magistrate of the West-Riding. Intelligence of the disturbance at Sheffield was sent to Mr. Henry Walker’s on Friday last, where I happened to be. I joined Mr. Walker, as a brother magistrate, and came with him to Sheffield. We arrived here, I believe, about nine o’clock, but I did not note the time. I found a very large assemblage of people in front of and about the Tontine. When we entered the Tontine, I found the people there in a state of great alarm, and was informed by Mr. Badger that the riot act had been read more than once. The mob was represented to be in a state of great excitement, and ripe for any degree of excess. In consequence of these representations, Mr. Walker, Mr. Badger, myself, and several constables, went out into the street. Silence was called, and it was given out that there were two magistrates who wished to speak to the mob. Mr. Badger first addressed them, and told them who we were. Mr. H. Walker, in a loud voice in my hearing, reminded them that the riot act had been read more than once-that the police being insufficient to put a stop to their riotous proceedings, he had felt himself called on to bring in the aid of the military-assured them that the soldiers were then on their march towards the town-urged them in strong language to disperse quietly without committing any further excesses-telling them that if they waited till the soldiers arrived, any bad consequences which might then ensue they would bring on their own heads. I also urged and entreated them in strong language to go home peaceably, adding, “in giving you this advice, I assure you I am your best and sincere friend.” Instead, however, of manifesting any disposition to disperse, what we addressed to them was received with groans, a sort of laugh of defiance, and the throwing of stones at us. One stone struck me on the hat, but glanced off without doing me any injury. I judged, from the force of the blow, that it was a large round stone which struck me in a slanting direction. We then retired into the Tontine. It had been agreed between Mr. Walker and myself, on our way to Sheffield, of which notice had been given to the commanding officer, that in case of our succeeding in inducing the mob quietly to disperse, the troops should not enter the town, but should be met on the road by orders to return to Rotherham. The mob, however, appeared in such an infuriated state, that we despaired of causing them to disperse without the aid of the soldiers, and I therefore set out in a post chaise by the backway from the inn, accompanied by a constable, towards Rotherham. I met the soldiers about midway on their march, and informed the officer that it was necessary for them to proceed, in consequence of the number and exasperated state of the mob. I enquired whether the pieces of the soldiers were loaded, and was informed they were not. I then told the officer that I hoped the populace would disperse on the first appearance of the soldiers; but as the mob were very numerous, it would be best to be prepared, in case they should attempt an attack, but that a limited number of men only should charge; and it was agreed that twenty should charge accordingly. About a mile from Sheffield the soldiers were put into strict marching order, and twenty charged. On entering Sheffield, and proceeding up the street, towards the Town-Hall, a very large mob was seen. I walked close to the soldiers, and we were received by groans and clapping of hands. On approaching the Tontine, it had been agreed that the soldiers should halt, and they were in the act of doing so in front of the inn, when a volley of stones and other missiles were thrown at us. I heard at the same moment a clash amongst the bayonets of the men, as if several of them were struck, and a sort of buz amongst the soldiery. I found myself violently struck on the left side of the head. I had on a particularly strong new hat, selected for hunting in, and a jagged corner of the stone penetrated the hat, and cut my head so deeply, that the surgeon who examined it said, that if my hat had not been unusually strong, my skull would probably have been fractured, and that if the blow had taken effect an inch lower it would have caused instant death. More than one soldier cried out, “are we to stand this?” Finding the mob so desperate, I said to the soldiers, and that the mob who were close upon us might also hear, “If they don’t disperse, fire.” This was intended also as a notice to the mob, and to make them understand that the pieces were charged. They seemed endeavouring to hem in the soldiers, as far as I could see from the blood which ran into my eyes. The soldiers did not fire, but marched under the gateway of the Tontine, in consequence of an order of which I was not aware; I went forward also. Stones and other missiles still continued to be thrown. I thought myself and the soldiers in imminent danger of our lives. I felt convinced that the mob were then determined to go to all extremities. One soldier said he was struck, and others complained they were hit also, and there was a sort of buz amongst them, expressing, I thought, a desire to defend themselves. I think this was about ten o’clock, or a little after. It was a very short time after the soldiers had entered the town. I cannot remember any particular expression used by the mob but great hootings. I then said to the officer, “Officer, do your duty. They won’t go. You must fire.” I was taken into the Tontine at that time bleeding profusely. Immediately I heard the firing. The soldiers had their bayonets fixed. Before we entered the Tontine, I had an idea of saying “disperse them,” but I thought that must be done by the bayonet, and would be attended with great loss of life, and therefore I told them to fire.

By the Jury: How long a time elapsed before the firing after the arrival of the soldiers at the Tontine? A very short space indeed; not so much as five minutes. The mob had been sufficiently warned-the soldiers were stoned while drawing up, and they entered the yard and were almost immediately ordered to fire. There were about one hundred soldiers, twenty of whom had their pieces loaded.
Were the peace officers among the crowd warned? I cannot say. I did not see any peace officers.

Order the book:

Subscribe to the free daily email:

To facilitate reading, the spelling and punctuation of elderly excerpts have generally been modernised, and distracting excision scars concealed. My selections, translations, and editions are copyright.

Comment

BishopsHouseHistorian posts the inquest testimony of Luke Palfreyman, and clarifies the rioters’ intentions in a comment:

They were for more reform. The authorities had pulled a fast one and disqualified many cutlers from having the vote as being eligible to vote was based on residence. Not entirely sure about the mechanics, but I think it was because their residence was also their place of work that they were disqualified. If there hadn’t been that sleight of hand there would have been a pretty large electorate of literate working men. I imagine same applied in Birmingham.

Something to say? Get in touch

Comment

BishopsHouseHistorian posts the inquest testimony of Luke Palfreyman, and clarifies the rioters’ intentions in a comment:

They were for more reform. The authorities had pulled a fast one and disqualified many cutlers from having the vote as being eligible to vote was based on residence. Not entirely sure about the mechanics, but I think it was because their residence was also their place of work that they were disqualified. If there hadn’t been that sleight of hand there would have been a pretty large electorate of literate working men. I imagine same applied in Birmingham.

Something to say? Get in touch

Similar

15 October 1838: Apologies from “imprisoned” Huddersfield workers are read to the great Chartist rally on Peep Green (Hartshead Moor), accusing middle-class radicals of betrayal

16 August 1842: Lancastrian plug-drawing rioters invade Skipton in an attempt to halt the mills

7 May 1831: In a spoof letter to the new and liberal William IV, a Sheffield metalworker expresses, in dialect, his hopes for the Reform Act and the election then underway

29 September 1830: Tory Radical Richard Oastler: “free” white workers in the Bradford mills are worse off than their enslaved black counterparts in the colonies

15 August 1805: The Sheffield volunteer infantry depart to fight Napoleon on the beaches

27 January 1830: William Cobbett rides from Leeds to black Sheffield

20 September 1819: Flags and fasces at a procession from Briggate to Hunslet Moor to protest the Peterloo Massacre

17 July 1844: Tory Radical Joshua Hobson tells Leeds council that Liberal mayor Hamer Stansfield was wrong to prohibit public meetings on the semi-privatised Kirkgate market

4 September 1947: Conflicting hopes for the future of the nationalised coal industry, as a wildcat strike against increased hours at Grimethorpe spreads through the South Yorkshire coalfield

27 August 1754: The (Tory) Leeds Intelligencer calls on Holbeckers to accept the appointment by Samuel Kirshaw, Vicar of Leeds, of a new curate, Richard Fawcett Snr, to St Catherine’s Chapel

Order the book:

Subscribe to the free daily email:

Comment

Via Roy Wiles (Wiles 1965).

Events

“Sunday last” is 25 August, but Fawcett managed to get in by 11 September:

On Wednesday last Mr. Fawcett for the first time performed Divine Service in the chapel of Holbeck, but was escorted to and from the chapel by a party of Dragoons, who kept guard at the doors during the service. Notwithstanding this precaution, some evil-disposed people found means to break the windows and throw a brickbat at Mr. Fawcett while he was in the reading- desk. The Sunday following he went through the service unmolested. And on Sunday last he preached a most excellent sermon, 46th verse of 13th chapter of Acts… The same night some prophane sacrilegious villains broke into the chapel and besmeared the seats with human excrements.

On 22 September he was able to conduct a reduced Sunday service in peace:

On Sunday last the Rev. Mr. Fawcett was received and behav’d to by his congregation at Holbeck with great decency… One of Mr. F.’s friends admitted their favourite preacher to his pulpit in the town-by this means the tumultuous part of the people were mostly drawn away from Holbeck, and the curate left at liberty to perform his duty amongst the peaceable and well-disposed inhabitants of the chapelry.

However, on 22 October we read that

In the night between the 16th and 17th inst., the windows of the chapel of Holbeck were again broken. No wonder, when Holbeck contains such a nest of vermin whom neither the laws of God or man can confine within the bounds of decency, etc.

For which John Robinson, a “Houlbecker,” was in November sentenced to be whipped and to pay a fine of £5 (Griffith Wright 1895).

In the summer of the following year he published his first Sunday’s sermon and and his resignation letter. I think that in the following Fawcett is quoting things actually said to him:

A man might oftentimes, by due Care and Watchfulness, perhaps very safely defeat the Schemes, and discourage the Practices of the private Pilferer; and yet, whenever this is done, it is commonly suspected to be done rather for the Preservation of his own Property, than out of a pure Regard to the Public-good: But when he is attack’d in his house, or upon the road by open Plunderers, and requir’d to deliver, or suffer himself to be rifl’d of what he is possess’d of, with some one of these dreadful Alternatives, of having his Brains immediately blown out,” or their hands “wash’d in his hearts Blood,” or “having bis “Entrails pull’d out at his Mouth,” or “being “buried alive,” it will Then surely be accounted highly Romantic in him to reject their demands, out of a Pretence to prevent the bad Influence of their Example; and he will be generally suspected of giving a Proof of his Fool-hardiness or his Avarice, rather than of his public Spirit, by such a Refusal.

In the resignation letter he says that he

perform’d the Duty of the Curacy for near Three Months after he gain’d Admission into the Chapel, and this too, rather to prepare a Say for the peaceable Reception of any other Person whom the Patron shou’d think proper to nominate, that out of any Prospect of reconciling the People to himself.

Fawcett declines to attribute responsibility (“Who the Incendiaries were, the Sufferer neither Pretends to Know, nor Desires to be Inform’d”). He also explicitly excuses the lord of the manor, who at this juncture I take to be Lord Irwin (aka Henry Ingram, 7th Viscount of Irvine) rather than the Whiggish Scholey family, as well as other leading citizens (Fawcett 1755).

Was Fawcett a lousy preacher, or was the mob’s alternative, whoever he was, utterly adorable? Was there a Whiggish or Radical element at work? Was there some element of revenge for Samuel Kirshaw’s victory over James Scott in the struggle from 1745-51 for the vicarage of Leeds (Taylor 1865)? Perhaps you know.

Something to say? Get in touch